Fondata da Bruno Leoni
a cura del Dipartimento di Scienze politiche e sociali
dell'Università degli Studi di Pavia
Editrice Giuffrè (fino al 2005)
dal 2006 Editrice Rubbettino
dal 2019 Editrice PAGEPress

Abstract


Autore:
Badini Antonio

Titolo:
"Da Yalta a Helsinki : per un Nuovo Ordine del Grande Medio Oriente"

The Greater Middle East today resembles Maelstrom and Western leaders stand accused of not having a comprehensive and sustainable strategy in the region. The roots of the Arab malaise run deep and require forward-looking solutions. The military interventions in Iraq and Libya were squandered by the failure to help rebels create a stable government. Civil wars are devouring Syria, Libya, Iraq and Yemen: the resulting political and social chaos leads to humanitarian disaster and millions of people leave their countries for an uncertain future. The Islamic State, also known as ISIS and DAESH, initially solely a terrorist organization, went to seize land to govern, thereby taking advantage of the void of leadership and stability. ISIS has transformed itself into a functioning state with decent governance for those who live under its jurisdiction. Probably due to the influx of Saddam – era Baathists, ISIS knows how to play the game of tribal alliances; it brought an order through effective and brutal methods and developed an economy based on a network of the smuggling of oil. The current alignment being shaped against the Islamic State looks still temporary and ISIS lacking cohesion. Unlike France, that has identified ISIS as its greatest enemy, the other main actors engaged in the fighting consider other enemies more important. To be sure, President Bashar’s main adversary is the Syrian opposition, which seems more willing to compromise, while the main enemy of Turkey is Kurdish separatism: the Kurds, be they Syrian or Iraqi, focus on defending their newly-established borders as opposed to seeking to destroy ISIS. After the downing of a Russian jet by Turkish F-16, tensions have heightened within the coalition: Turkey has become Russia’s main enemy. Iraq’s government has denounced Turkey for sending ground troops into areas near Mosul. The region’s future prospects look bleak. The main members of the coalition are not prepared to deploy ground forces and experience has shown that air raids are not decisive. The region’s stability has therefore to depend to a large degree on the fighting ability of Arab armies, but are they up to the job? Judging by their past performance there is little reason for optimism. The Iraqi army’s defeat to smaller forces of ISIS in Mosul and Ramadi is evidence of that. Put to the test at home, the Armies in Yemen and Libya have simply splintered. Efforts to build up the Free Syrian Army (FSA) have been feeble and its performance is yet quite modest. Under these circumstances, Putin’s quest for a bigger role for his country should be welcomed as long as it substantially contributes to winning the fight against ISIS.The civil war in Syria has involved a number of outside actors; it has placed Russia and Iran, tacitly backed by China, on the side of Bashar al-Assad; on the other side stands the West along with Sunni powers such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia. A round of peace talks in Vienna produced a vague road map for a ceasefire, a period of transition and elections but left unresolved the question of Assad’s future. A difficult process of distinguishing between terrorists to select those that can join the transitional government has been assigned to Jordan. The central role for convening the Vienna talks has been carried out by US President Obama, Russian President Putin and British Prime Minister Cameron, prompting some commentators to draw parallels to the anti-Nazi alliance that in 1943 brought together Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin at the Yalta conference.That the Vienna process now includes Iran is reason for some optimism, as Tehran and Riyadh will be the key actors to define a sustainable “new order” of the region. The situation on the ground calls for a substantive revision of the borders as defined by the so-called “Sykes-Picot” accords. However, in order for the region to become more stable, it would be necessary to promote a Helsinki-like comprehensive agreement on security and cooperation, endorsed by the United States, Russia and the EU.